标签：core cost result min required with dep robert point
This article was downloaded by: [130.108.121.217]doi: 10.1080/01494920802010140 14
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a direct relationship on their academic achievement. Research concerning children’s progress in mathematics as related to parenting style
and gender stereotype was also uncovered. Evidence was found to support the notion that parental education can have an indirect impact on
children’s academic achievement in various cultures. Implications for
future research are identified including the need for applied research
in learning communities factoring in variables for family structure,
expectations, ethnicity, communication, and involvement.
KEYWORDS. Behavioral control, impact across cultures, parental
education, parenting style, psychological control, student achievement
INTRODUCTION
Individual influences of parents, teachers, and school environments
are well documented in the educational and developmental literature
(Barber, 1996; Baumrind, 1966, 1967, 1968, 1971, 1978; Dornbush,
Ritter, Leiderman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987; Steinberg, Lamborn,
Dornbusch, & Darling, 1992). However, the research on the linkage
between student achievement and parenting style has yet to be more
clearly defined. The purpose of this article is to synthesize the literature
surrounding the influence of parenting style on student achievement,
with the goal to provide a multicultural perspective that has implications for researchers as well as clinicians. A preliminary review of
the literature resulted in the information being categorized into the following five domains: (1) parental control; (2) gender and parenting
style; (3) parental education; (4) perceptual differences between parents
and their children; and (5) ethnicity and diversity.
Student achievement involves all aspects of learning including
cognition, decision-making, and adjustment and has mediating
factors that are confounding to students, parents, and educators
alike. Parenting style significantly influences achievement and performance of children as described by both parents and children in
clinical as well as school settings. Parents and educators often seek
assistance in clinical settings for a minor with achievement concerns.
As student achievement impacts the areas of learning, instruction,
school environment, and family conditions, the impact of student
achievement on society can be staggering when considering the
ramifications for the next generation. Clinicians and educators face
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a daunting task in addressing families as they struggle with student
achievement.
Student achievement has been consistently associated with positive identity constructs which include self-esteem, self-efficacy,
and motivation (Bandura, 1997). The parenting style of addressing
these concerns significantly influences self-efficacy, self-esteem,
identity development, and identifying relevant constructs within
parenting style clarifies the linkage with achievement. Parenting
styles are frequently adapted from previous generations. There is
growing evidence to establish the fact that the Western concept
of neglectful versus permissive versus authoritarian versus authoritative styles does not correlate with the empirical observations
of student achievement across cultures. According to Smetana
(1995), parents in Western cultures see themselves as authoritative
while their children tend to perceive them as being more permissive
and authoritarian. Chao (1994) and Chao and Sue (1996) presented
the notion of ‘‘guan’’ or ‘‘training’’ implemented by Chinese parents
which is largely absent in Western style parenting. Chao (1994)
explains that control, care, and concern are synonymous and the
controlling parenting style does not easily translate to a Western
concept of authoritarian style.
A meta-analysis examined the relationship between parental involvement and the academic achievement of urban elementary school children (Jeynes, 2005). Findings for academic achievement among urban
students at the elementary level revealed a strong correlation with parental involvement; however, the meta-analysis did not distinguish
between the dimensions of parenting style. The multifaceted nature of
research on parenting style supports the need to understand its influence
on student achievement. The information on parenting style also needs
clarification. For example, some researchers have found that parents
and their adolescents can differ in their perception of parenting style
and that neither parenting style nor measures of parents’ beliefs in training their children are associated with student self-reports of school
achievement (McBride-Chang & Chang, 1998; Chao, 1994).
Parental Control
The control exerted by parents impacts the style of parenting. The
research literature investigating the nature and effects of parental
control of children and adolescents is broad and complex; therefore,
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it is important to provide some differentiation between behavioral
control and psychological control. Behavioral control is thought to
facilitate development by providing necessary supervision, whereas
psychological control is seen as inhibiting development through an
excess of control.
Behavioral control. Family influence on children’s achievement is
well established in the literature (e.g., Baumrind, 1978; Dornbusch,
Ritter, Leiderman, Roberts, & Fraleigh, 1987; Steinberg, Lamborn,
Darling, Mounts, & Dornbusch, 1994), and most researchers agree
on the significant role of authoritative parenting style and active parental involvement in maximizing children’s academic success across
grades, gender, and ethnic groups.
Forty years ago Baumrind’s seminal studies of the socialization of
competence (1966, 1967) concluded that theory-derived parent
classification that resulted in certain parental control would generate
different behaviors in children. Her theory-derived parent classification resulted in the original parenting style prototype: authoritative, authoritarian, and permissive.
According to Baumrind (1966) the permissive parent behaves in a
‘‘nonpunitive, acceptant and affirmative manner toward the child’s
impulses, desires and actions’’ (1966, p. 889). There is an attempt
by this parent to allow the child to regulate his=her own activities
as much as possible and to avoid the exercise of control. The authoritarian parent ‘‘attempts to shape, control, and evaluate the behavior
and attitudes of the child in accordance with a set standard of conduct’’ (1966, p. 890). The authoritarian parent values obedience
and favors punitive, forceful measures to curb the child’s self-will.
This parent does not encourage verbal give and take, and believes
that the child should accept the parent’s word for what is right.
The authoritative parent ‘‘encourages verbal give and take and shares
with the child the reasoning behind the policy’’ (1966, p. 891). This
parent enforces his=her own perspective as an adult, but recognizes
the child’s individual interests and special ways.
Subsequent research on the role of parents in children’s academic
performance relied on traditional parenting style paradigm that
adopts the three prototypes of adult control; namely, permissive,
authoritarian, authoritative. Baumrind’s (1967, 1971) studies noted
that preschool children reared by parents with differing parenting
attitudes or styles, differed in their mastery of social competence.
Her conclusions defended the position that authoritative control
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may effectively generate in the child, behavior which while well socialized is also willful and independent, whereas authoritarian control
and permissive noncontrol may both deprive the child of the opportunity to engage in vigorous interaction with people.
Subsequent research also continued to increase the age range for
which significance of parenting style applies (Dornbusch et al.,
1987). Dornbusch and colleagues tested Baumrind’s (1966, 1967)
typology of authoritarian, permissive, and authoritative parenting
styles in the context of adolescent school performance. Using a large
and diverse sample of approximately 8,000 high school students,
Dornbusch et al. (1987) found that both authoritarian and permissive
parenting styles were negatively associated with grades, and authoritative parenting was positively associated with grades. However,
authoritarian parenting tended to have a stronger association
with grades than did the other two parenting styles, except among
Hispanic males. This research supported the premise that children
of authoritative parents have a higher academic performance than
do children of either authoritarian or permissive parents.
Later, researchers split the permissive type into permissiveindulgent and permissive-indifferent (Baumrind, 1978; Maccoby &
Martin, 1983) as a result of a two-dimensional (demandedness and
responsiveness) typology of parenting patterns. This resulted in a
scheme that established the four parenting styles that are commonly
employed in today’s research literature (e.g., Lamborn, Mounts,
Steinberg, & Dornbusch, 1991; Steinberg et al., 1994): authoritative,
authoritarian, indulgent, and neglectful.
The research of Lamborn et al. (1991) provided further support for
Maccoby and Martin’s (1983) framework which indicated the need to
distinguish between two types of ‘‘permissive’’ families: those that are
indulgent and those that are neglectful. Lamborn et al. (1991) classified the families into 1 of 4 groups (authoritative, authoritarian,
indulgent, or neglectful) on the basis of the adolescents’ ratings of these
parents on two dimensions: acceptance=involvement and strictness=
supervision. The adolescents were contrasted along four sets of outcomes: psychosocial development, school achievement, internalized
distress and problem behaviors. Results indicated that adolescents
who characterize their parents as authoritative score highest on measures of psychosocial competence and lowest on measures of psychological and behavioral dysfunction; the reverse is true for adolescents
who describe their parents as neglectful. Adolescents whose parents
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are characterized as authoritarian score reasonably well on measures
indexing obedience and conformity to the standards of adults but
have relatively poorer self-conceptions than other adolescents. In
contrast, adolescents from indulgent homes evidence a strong sense
of self-confidence but report a higher frequency of substance abuse
and school misconduct and are less engaged in school.
In another study using a sample of 120 older children and adolescents (aged 10–16), Steinberg et al. (1989), utilized the over-time
relation of three components of authoritativeness: parental acceptance, psychological autonomy, and behavioral control, to test the
hypothesis that authoritative parenting facilitates, rather than simply
accompanies, school success. Steinberg and colleagues (1989) found
that school success is mediated, in part, through the effects of authoritativeness on the development of a healthy sense of autonomy, and
more specifically, a healthy psychological orientation toward work.
Adolescents who described their parents as treating them warmly,
democratically, and firmly were more likely than their peers to
develop positive attitudes toward, and beliefs about their achievement, and as a consequence, they are more likely to do better in
school.
Older adolescents approaching high school graduation who rated
their parents as authoritative (or authoritative plus), authoritarian,
midrange indulgent, and neglectful were studied by Slicker (1998).
It was found that those adolescents experiencing the most favorable
adjustments rated their parents as authoritative and authoritative
plus. Not only was neglectful parenting consistently and significantly
related to the most negative adjustments for older adolescents in all
areas surveyed, but indulgent parenting was also related to the gamut
of problem behavior.
Authoritative parenting is multifaceted; therefore, specific components of authoritativeness have also been studied. Steinberg and
associates (1989, 1991, 1992) have suggested that in adolescence,
three specific components of authoritativeness contribute to healthy
psychological development and school success: parental acceptance
or warmth, behavioral supervision and strictness, and psychological
autonomy granting or democracy. According to Steinberg et al. (1989),
positive impact of authoritative parenting on achievement is
mediated at least, in part, through the effects of authoritativeness
on the development of a healthy sense of autonomy, and more
specifically, a healthy psychological orientation toward work.
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In a one-year follow-up study to examine whether the observed
differences in adolescent adjustment varied as a function of their
parents’ style (e.g., authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent, neglectful)
and are maintained over time, Steinberg et al. (1994) found that
adolescents from indulgent homes continued to display a psychological and behavioral profile that is mixed. The clearest evidence of the
impact of parenting on adjustment during the high school years came
from those who were neglectfully raised. These youth, already at a
psychological and behavioral disadvantage at the time of first assessment, showed continued declines over the one-year period, with sharp
drops in work orientation and school orientation, and increased
delinquency and alcohol and drug use (Lamborn et al., 1991,
p. 1062). The overall pattern suggests that youngsters that are
neglectfully raised proceed on a downward and troublesome spiral
characterized by academic disengagement and problem behavior.
Psychological control. Recent research has demonstrated the
importance of distinguishing between parental, psychological, and
behavioral control (Barber, 1996; Barber & Harman, 2002). Psychological control refers to control attempts that intrude into the psychological and emotional development of the child (e.g., thinking
processes, self expression, emotions, and attachment to parents).
Psychological control, including parental intrusiveness, guilt induction, and love withdrawal, interferes with the child’s ability to become
independent and to develop a healthy sense of self and personal
identity.
The subject of mathematics served as a basis for examining psychological control in a study conducted by Aunola and Nurmi (2004).
They found that a high level of psychological control exercised by
mothers predicted slow progress in mathematics. They give three
possible explanations for this finding. The first is that psychological
control, defined as guilt-inducing and manipulative child rearing,
combined with high affection leads to an enmeshment of parent–child
communication. Psychological control that is not accompanied by
high levels of affection may, in turn, be less enmeshing and therefore
less harmful for child development. The second explanation is that a
child-rearing pattern characterized by both a high level of affection
and a high level of psychological control may communicate inconsistent and discrepant messages of maternal approval and love to a child
(Barber, 1996; see also Baumrind, 1966). The third possible explanation for this major finding is that guilt-inducing mothers who
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simultaneously show high affection are themselves emotional and
impulsive and may not be capable of providing cognitively oriented
school-related advice and support, which may be particularly important for the development of math-related skills among children.
In a sample of 93 middle-class African–American early adolescents
(Mean age 13.11) and their mothers, Smetana and Daddis (2002)
examined the influence of parenting beliefs and practices over a
two-year period. They found that more restrictive control (e.g., more
rules and more unilateral decision-making by parents) was associated
with both greater monitoring and more psychological control of early
adolescent girls. In contrast, mothers of early adolescent boys who
exerted more restrictive control reported using less psychological
control.
In another study involving outcome of parental monitoring and
psychological control, Dodge, Bates, and Criss (2001) found that
early adolescents (especially girls) whose mothers used psychologically controlling strategies had higher levels of anxiety=depression
and delinquent behaviors in middle childhood and adolescence.
Recently, Bronstein, Ginsburg, and Herrera (2005) found that
greater external control (e.g., demands, directives, criticism, punishment, rewards, enticements) and lack of guidance by parents in the
5th-grade year were related to children’s poorer academic achievement that year, which in turn predicted a more extrinsic motivational
orientation in 7th grade. In contrast, greater parental autonomysupporting behavior in the 5th-grade year was related to children’s
high academic achievement that year, which in turn predicted a more
intrinsic motivational orientation in 7th grade.
Gender and Parenting Style
Gender roles in marriage differ as do the effects on student
achievement as was indicated by Updegraff, McHale, and Crouter
(1996) who explored the implications of parents’ traditional versus
egalitarian marital roles for girls’ and boys’ patterns of math and
science achievement. Their findings revealed that girls from egalitarian families maintained a high level of achievement after the transition to the 7th grade, whereas girls from traditional families
declined in math and science performance. There were important
implications for academic achievement for girls growing up in egalitarian families with relatively more powerful mothers and more
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involved fathers. Parents with less traditional sex-role attitudes
appeared to have important implications for their academic achievement. In families with boys, no significant patterns emerged.
Math performance has often been chosen to be an indicator of
academic performance. Gadeyne, Ghesquiere, and Onghena (2004)
studied the relations between parenting and child adjustment using
data gathered for 352 children and their parents from kindergarten
to 2nd grade. They reported that in the academic domain, lowsupportive and high-controlling parenting practice was modestly
related to poor subsequent math achievement and that externalizing
and attention problem behavior was clearly predictive of high levels
of control in mothers and low levels of support in fathers.
Early parenting factors have been found to be important for
children’s academic achievement. Englund, Luckner, Whaley, and
Egelund (2004) studied 187 low-income children and their mothers
from birth of the child through 3rd grade to determine whether the
quality of assistance, parental involvement, and expectations had
an effect on their academic achievement. They found that mothers’
quality of instruction prior to school entry had significant direct
effects on IQ and indirect effects on achievement in 1st and 3rd
grades.
There may also be gender differences in the relationships of adolescents and their parents. Demo, Small and Savin-William (1987) found
support for the proposition that adolescents and their parents have
independent yet overlapping perceptions of the relationships and
the individual perceptions of the relationship are consistently related
to his or her self-esteem. Their findings indicate that the self-esteem of
boys compared to that of girls is more strongly related to family relations. This suggests that adolescent boys may express and communicate their self-esteem in ways that prompt parents to respond (with
support, control or communication) while girls provide fewer or more
subtle expressions and thereby deny parents the potential cues they
need for appropriate responses.
There is continued evidence to support the fact that when parents
bridge the gap between home and school, children experience benefits
in their psychological functioning as well as achievement (e.g.,
Englund et al., 2004; Steinberg, Lamborn, Dornbush, & Darling,
1995). The research of Pomeranz, Wang, and Ng (2005) found that
on days children have homework, mothers’ negative affect is elevated
but mothers’ positive affect is not dampened. Mother’s negative
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affect is further intensified on days mothers provide assistance.
Mothers’ maintenance of positive affect in the homework context
appears to offset the undermining effects of mothers’ negative affect
as well as of children’s helplessness. Thus, if parents are to get
involved in children’s homework, a key goal is to keep the interaction
fun and loving, despite the irritation and annoyance parents may
experience.
Further evidence to support different effects of gender on parenting style were given by Jacobs (1991) and Jacobs and Eccles (1992).
In the first study Jacobs (1991) reported that parents who held traditional gender stereotypes favoring boys in mathematics expressed
less confidence in their children’s math abilities if they had daughters
and more confidence if they had sons, regardless of their children’s
actual abilities and performance levels. In the second study, Jacobs
and Eccles (1992) reported that mothers’ perceptions of their children
mediated the interaction of child’s gender and mothers’ gender
stereotype of children’s self-perceptions. Thus, when mothers held
stereotypic beliefs and had children of the gender not favored by
the stereotype (girls, in the case of mathematics) they held less favorable perception of their children’s abilities to succeed in such domains
even after controlling for ability.
On the basis of data from 355 students (mean age 10.6) and their
mothers, Noack (2004) found that maternal behavior predicted the
value that students attribute to education. Thus, if preadolescents
experience their mothers to be involved in activities that are somehow
linked to education, they seem to get the impression that their
mothers also appreciate education.
In another study concerning parental beliefs about adolescents’
abilities, Bleeker and Jacobs (2004) found that mothers’ beliefs about
their adolescents’ abilities in math and science are shaped by gender
stereotypes and are related to the development of their adolescent
children’s self-perceptions of math ability. Furthermore, mothers’
early beliefs are related to older adolescents’ feelings of math–science
career self-efficacy and ultimately to whether young adults pursue
careers in certain areas of math and science. The findings of these
studies, Bleeker and Jacobs (2004); Jacobs (1991); and Jacobs and
Eccles (1992), clearly indicated the importance of parental beliefs in
adolescents’ later educational and career choices.
Finally, parent differential of self has an impact on family
functioning and student achievement, and is thought to be most
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critical to healthy individual development and family functioning
(Kerr & Bowen, 1988; Titelman, 1998). Differentiation of self is
defined as the capacity of a system and its members to manage
emotional reactivity, act thoughtfully under stress, and allow for both
intimacy and autonomy in relationship. Support for parent differentiation of self and child competence was reported by Skowron (2005)
who found that those mothers who were better at modulating
emotion and capable of both intimacy and autonomy had children
who demonstrated higher verbal and math achievement scores and
were less aggressive.
Parental Education
The literature on achievement consistently has shown that parent
education is important in predicting children’s success in the educational system. Parent education can influence children’s education
via different routes: (1) through the transmission of cognitive competencies, (2) through increased opportunities, and (3) through the
transmission of parental beliefs and attitudes concerning the value
and utility of education. Parents’ views on school and education
which are observed by children may affect children’s views either
directly or through such indirect processes as parents’ engagement
in cultural or educational activities (e.g. Noach, 2004).
In several studies representing a wide range of cultural diversity, Alnabhan, Al-Zegoul, and Harwell (2001); Cherian (2001);
Davis-Kean (2005); Hill, Castellino, Lansford, Nowlin, Dodge,
Bates, and Pettit (2004); Hortcsu (1995); Jackson (2003); Livaditus,
Zaphiriadis, Samakouri; Tellidou, Tzavaras, and Xenitidis (2003);
Tavani and Losh (2003); parents’ own behavior as well as joint
family activities have been shown to influence children’s academic
motivation and behavior. Using a sample of 868 children ranging
from 8 to 12 years of age (49% non-Hispanic European American
and 47% African–American), Davis-Kean (2005) found that for
both groups, parents’ education influenced child achievement
indirectly through its impact on the parents’ achievement beliefs
and stimulating home behaviors. However, for the African–
American sample, in addition to parental education, educational
expectations and positive parent–child interactions were directly
related to children’s achievement.
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Using a longitudinal model, Hill et al. (2004) examined parent
academic involvement, behavioral problems, achievement, and
aspirations in a sample of 463 adolescents from 7th through 11th
grades, Hill et al. found that among the higher parental education
group, parent academic involvement was related to fewer behavioral
problems, which in turn were related to achievement and then aspirations. For the lower parental education group, parent academic
involvement was related to aspirations but not to behavior or
achievement. Across ethnicity, parent academic involvement was
more strongly related to achievement for African–Americans than
for European Americans. Of interest is the finding that for
the families with higher parental education levels, 7th-grade parent
academic involvement was not directly related to achievement or
aspirations even though it was associated with fewer school behavior
problems at 8th grade. These fewer behavior problems in the 8th
grade were related to higher 9th grade achievement and 11th grade
aspirations.
Mothers’ employment appeared to have an effect on their children’s math scores according to Jackson (2003) who investigated
the child development outcomes in early school years among
African–American welfare recipients and their young children. This
study found that children whose mothers had some (even inconsistent) employment were more likely to have higher math scores that
those whose mothers are consistently unemployed. The results of
Jackson’s (2003) study also indicated that mothers’ higher educational attainment, being a female child, and small family size were
associated with higher reading scores. This research clearly supports
the need for early interventions for ‘‘at-risk’’ children.
Parental education levels may not always directly affect their
children’s performance; however, it does tend to play a strong
indirect role in how the children are raised. According to Georgiou
(1999), parents with high education degrees are typically more
involved in their children’s academic careers, thereby placing more
emphasis on academics than those parents with lower education
degrees and less involvement in their children’s education. Tavani
and Losh (2003) found that parental education was an important
variable in predicting high school students’ academic success. The
results resembled prior studies (Riggio, Watering, & Throdmorton,
1993; Robbins, Lese, & Herrick, 1993; Zea, Jamama, & Bianchi,
1995).
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There is also much evidence to support the premise that parental
education plays an important role in children’s lives in various cultures. Hortacsu (1995) investigated the relationships between parents’
education levels, parents’ beliefs concerning children’s cognitions
related to themselves and their relationship, and academic achievement in a sample of Turkish 4th grade children. Hortacsu (1995)
found that the level of mother’s education was directly related to
child perceptions of external control, and academic achievement.
The level of father’s education was directly related only to child
perceptions of efficacy.
There is also evidence to support the importance of parental education on children’s academic achievement from underdeveloped
countries. A significant relationship was also found between parental
education and academic achievement of Xhosa children from South
Africa, regardless of whether the family was polygynous or monogamous (Cherian, 2001).
Perceptual Differences Between Parents and Their Children
Many parents and educators believe that the teaching of higherlevel thinking skills is contingent on the mastery of basic skills.
Research findings focus on integration of critical and creative thinking and subject matter assimilation as a means to foster greater student achievement. Parents and educators are instrumental in
influencing critical and creative thinking skills. The enduring problem
that plagues the educational system is the perceptual difference
between students and their parents as to the parenting style.
A comparison of willingness to conform to academic expectations
of parents to student academic achievements for American, Chinese–
American, and Chinese high school students was provided by Chen
and Lan (1998). The results indicated that American students were
less likely than their Chinese and Chinese–American peers to heed
parental advice and cared less about fulfilling academic expectations.
The authors concluded the students’ achievement in all three groups
was related to their perception of independence. They support the
notion that future studies should examine parental influence or
parental expectation and the students’ perception of it as it relates
to academic achievement. Studies focusing on adolescent perception
of independence would provide stronger support for student achievement based on parenting styles.
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In a related longitudinal research on patterns of parenting during
adolescence, Paulsen and Sputa (1996) established three distinct areas
of study: (1) differences in parenting styles and involvement between
mothers and fathers, (2) differences in perception of parenting style
and involvement between adolescents and parents, and (3) parents
involvement in changes between 9th and 12th grade. Results indicated that during 9th and 12th grades, mothers were seen as being
more involved than fathers in parenting. Values related to achievement were found to be the same for both mothers and fathers and
both rated themselves higher on all aspects of parenting than they
were rated by their 9th and 12th grade adolescents. The results support further research on the ability of parents to create optimum
environments to nurture adolescent independence.
The independence factor between parents and their children has a
basis in perceptual differences. In a study of parent=child ratings of
warmth and negativity to the negative adjustment of adolescents,
Feinberg, Howe, Hetherington, and Mavis (2000) found that, independent of parenting behavior, perceptual differences (PDs) were
clearly linked with adolescents’ adjustment. They also found that
the correlation between maladjustment in older adolescents and
PDs related to parental negativity disappeared over time. They established several caveats for clinical practice: (1) healthy development is
more dependent on lower levels of PD in late adolescence than in
early adolescence; (2) families need to express divergent views; (3) families may not benefit from decreasing PDs in clinical intervention. In
examining family conflict, Bradley and Corwyn (2000) studied its
effect on the relation between environmental processes and adolescent
well-being. They recommended a long-term ‘‘holistic approach’’ to
parenting style to decrease family conflict and facilitate adolescent
well-being. The mixed signals of perceptual differences increase the
volatility of conflict and decrease the potential for independence.
Establishing clinical practices through research implications would
provide a sound basis for change within the family constellation.
Ethnicity and Diversity in Parenting Styles
The ethnic identity of an individual is established after the navigation
through channels of cultural issues in a society. The parenting style of
an individual follows a similar course through acculturation, assimilation, and actualization based on ethnicity. The role of parenting
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evolves over time, and is influenced by circumstances and by ethnic
differences. Research studies have implicated ethnicity in achievement, psychosocial, and other mediating differences as it relates to
parenting styles.
Peer group formation can be affected by parenting style. In a longitudinal study, Chen, Chang, He, and Liu (2005) found that children’s
susceptibility to peer pressure was related to parenting styles and
practices for Chinese children. The findings illustrate that children’s
susceptibility to peer pressure is related to parenting styles and practices. They suggest parenting styles affect children’s choices in forming groups. The specific cultural nature of their findings on the effects
of parenting and selection of peer groups did not have a comparable
match in Western research.
Family composition and parenting style affect gender-role socialization. Crouter, Manke, and McHale (1995) hypothesized that
‘‘gender differential socialization’’ would increase in young adolescents, particularly in families that maintain a traditional division of
labor. They found a trend in ‘‘gender intensification’’ in families
where there was an increase in maternal involvement with their
daughters and paternal involvement with their sons during early
adolescence. This intensification was even more evident in families
where the adolescent had a younger sibling of the opposite gender.
Cultural influences have significant impact on parenting practices.
Chao (1994) looked at the differences in ‘‘cultural systems’’ for
Chinese and European Americans through the cultural notion of
training. The research provided a basis to characterize Chinese
parenting as ‘‘restrictive’’ and ‘‘controlling’’ or ‘‘authoritarian’’.
Although poor school achievement has been linked with these parenting styles, Chinese–Americans have shown no decrease in achievement under such styles. The concept of Chiao shun is introduced as
a term that includes ‘‘the idea of training children in the appropriate
or expected behaviors.’’ The concept of training is further expanded
with the use of the term guan which means ‘‘to govern’’. It also has
the additional meanings of ‘‘to care for’’ and ‘‘to love.’’ The concepts
of guan and chiao shun do not have an equivalent concept in Western
style and equating them with ‘‘authoritarian’’ style does not
adequately capture Chinese parenting. Chao cites Lau and Cheung
(1987) to explain that the concept of training is not intended to lead
to parental domination over a child, but to help establish and
maintain harmony while maintaining the integrity of the family.
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Parents differ in their involvement with their children which impacts
student achievement. Chang and McBride-Chang (1998) focused on
the effects of parenting style differences on adolescents in Hong Kong
and concluded that adolescents who rated highest in life satisfaction
tended to be more ‘‘parent-oriented’’ and less ‘‘peer-oriented.’’ In
addition, their view is such that Chinese and Western parents may
be more involved with their children’s achievement in school at
different stages. Chinese parents may be more involved in the early
grades to establish expectations of high achievement, whereas Western
parents may be more involved during later grades. There is particular
emphasis in the irrelevance of using the categories of authoritative,
authoritarian, or permissive parenting styles for the adolescent
group in Hong Kong. The parental belief system between the Western
and Eastern cultures is targeted as the main reason for the differing
outcomes for U.S. adolescents versus Hong Kong adolescents.
The belief system also influences psychological distress as examined by Hong Lorenz, and Veach (2005) in school age boys and girls
in Taiwan. They found a strong connection between an adolescents’
gender and their psychological distress. The only significant indicator
of psychological distress for boys was their lack of self-esteem;
whereas for girls the significant indicators were GPA, family income,
self-esteem, and parenting practices. The researchers recommend
additional case studies to explore additional variables related to
psychological distress.
In a longitudinal study focused on multidimensional parental
involvement across ethnic groups (White, Hispanic, African–
American, and Asian–American), Hong and Ho (2005) found that
communication and parental aspiration had both immediate and
long-lasting effects on achievement in the White sample. Achievement in the Asian–American sample was most affected by parental
participation and involvement. Student achievement in the African–
American sample was affected by parental educational aspiration
only for a short term. Long-term effects were observed only when
there was increased parental supervision for African–American students. However, student achievement in the Hispanic sample was
affected primarily by parental communication. The varied results in
the targeted ethnicities emphasize the need for methodological
considerations.
Finally, in studying ethnic differences in parenting styles as they
affect adolescent outcomes, Garg, Levin, Kauppi, and Urajnik
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(2005) chose a sample of East Indian and Canadian adolescents. The
authors implicate methodological considerations as being ‘‘central’’
to the ‘‘cross-cultural studies’’ of parenting styles as it affects academic achievement. The studies of Western-based parenting styles do not
necessarily coincide with studies of parenting styles in other ethnicities. However, studies of ethnic differences in adolescent behavior
appear to have some similarity.
Discussion
Behavioral control and psychological control are two inherent features of parenting style. The research on behavioral control clearly
indicates that authoritative parenting has the most positive influence
on student academic achievement. Of interest to parents, educators,
and researchers are (1) what are the positive constructs of authoritative parenting and (2) what is the optimal time of intervention so as to
prevent the decline in achievement. Researchers uncovered an interesting finding concerning children’s progress in mathematics where
psychological control in the absence of affection may be less enmeshing and less harmful. According to Aurola and Nurmi (2004), both a
high level of affection and a high level of psychological control sends
an inconsistent message to the child and guilt-producing mothers who
show high affection may be emotional and impulsive themselves and
incapable of providing advice and support to their children.
The traditional gender stereotypes favoring boys in mathematics
has been examined and found to have an effect on adolescent girls’
perceptions of ability to succeed in mathematics (Bleeker & Jacobs,
2004; Jacobs, 1991; Jacobs & Eccles, 1992) and mothers’ beliefs about
their adolescent girls’ abilities in math and science are shaped by these
gender stereotypes and have been shown to have an effect on the
adolescent’s self-perceptions in those domains. This was found to
ultimately affect self-efficacy and the decision to pursue careers in
certain areas of math and science.
Parental education may not always affect children’s performance;
however, it does play a strong indirect role in how children are raised
including the amount of parental involvement. There is research to
substantiate the need for early interventions for children from impoverished backgrounds. It was found that children whose mothers had
some employment are likely to have higher math scores than those
whose mothers are consistently unemployed (Jackson, 2003).
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Fathers and mothers rate themselves higher than their children in
all aspects of parenting (Paulsen & Sputa, 1996). The differences in
style between mothers and fathers are apparent in the stages of
academic achievement of the adolescents. Children often need the
influence of a particular parent when faced with challenges of
academic achievement. A broad spectrum of clinical difficulties is realized by families where the perceptual differences of both parents and
their children are in conflict. The adolescents’ perceived level of independence when interacting with their parents seems to have a direct
relationship to their academic achievement (Chen & Lan, 1998).
The challenge seems to develop in daily events where parenting style
has to nurture the development of independence. In clinical settings,
parents often seek assistance to create the appropriate style to elicit
independence in their adolescents.
According to Hong and Ho (2005) direct and indirect parental
involvement practices can have a combined result based on ethnic
differences. The multidimensional phenomenon of diversity and ethnicity issues point toward the need for methodological considerations
in research design. For example, research studies designed to identify
parent-peer influences of Western parenting styles would provide
much needed data to understand their relationship and establish
recommendations for clinical practice.
The concepts of ‘‘chiao shun’’ and ‘‘guan’’ assist in understanding
the subtle differences in parenting style of Chinese–Americans
(Chao, 1994) and the author additionally establishes the absence
of equivalent Western concepts for comparison purposes. The belief
system supporting the parenting style can be an additional factor
that would produce differing results across ethnic lines (McBrideChang & Chang, 1998). The inclusion of belief systems in research
studies expands the challenge for research design. The advantage
of such an inclusion would enable the practitioner to address gender
and ethnic differences in psychological distress as seen in clinical
settings.
Implications for Couple and Family Counseling
Family events and social exchanges increase the potential for
family conflict. Therefore, the ability to see the systemic nature or
circular aspect of these social exchanges can enhance the holistic
realm. Parental concern for their children’s independent functioning
Lola Brown and Shrinidhi Iyengar 31
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can be the driving force leading to family conflict. Conversely, the
children’s desire for independence can lead to family conflict as well.
It appears that while perceptual differences between parents may not
directly contribute to family conflict, it does affect the manner in
which the perceptual differences are resolved (Bradley & Corwyn,
2000).
The decision made by both parents and their children to cooperate
or confront each other is likely to impact the progress toward independence and student achievement. Parents and their children have
to examine their belief systems and attitudes which act as the foundation for parenting style and student achievement. Parenting style
focuses on engaging the student to become a responsible stakeholder
in their own achievement. The challenge for clinicians is to assist families in recognition of their individual strengths and facilitate group
action to benefit their unique system. Turbulence generated by the
inadequacy in families may best be managed in clinical settings.
Couples have to be encouraged to maintain a cohesive parenting style
as families are supported to increase student achievement. Family
narratives of experience and meaning need to be explored in order
to identify and understand processes and generate new hypotheses.
Clinicians with their subjective in-depth knowledge related to assisting families, must provide contextual framework, going beyond
theory-based views of phenomena and illuminate possible new areas
for research study.
Implications for Future Research
Student achievement and parenting styles as they relate to child
and adolescent development have been a focus of research for several
decades. Cognitive development and reasoning theories specifically
have provided insights into how individuals have multiple points of
view, personal decision-making schemata, and learning styles.
Specifically, children develop learning preferences and parents
develop parenting styles that continue to be redefined as a child
develops through adolescence and adulthood.
Sociological theorists contribute to the understanding of individual
development through theories of environment and interaction. Children and adolescents have an invested physical and psychological
energy in their experiences in the learning environment. Furthermore,
children need to feel that they ‘‘matter’’ and that people care about
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them. Through their parenting styles, parents have to create such
a caring environment in order to promote a positive learning
experience.
Family activities and parents’ behavior have a direct influence on
children’s academic motivation and behavior. The pattern suggests
that when parents interact in a fun and loving way during children’s
homework time, there is a positive outcome for both. A process of
academic disengagement and problem behavior results when parents
are neglectful. Skowron (2005) found that those mothers who were
better at modulating emotion and capable of both intimacy and autonomy had children who demonstrated higher verbal and math
achievement scores and were less aggressive. Western-based studies
on parenting styles do not have reliability across ethnicities.
CONCLUSION
As a society we are enamored with student achievement. Parents
frequently emphasize achievement at the risk of alienating the young
achiever. In an act of desperation they enforce penalties and sanctions as a means of dealing with the sagging achievement history of
their child. The sanctions can cause psychological distress for the
child as well as the parents. In understanding the dynamics of the
forces at play, the real problem of student achievement morphs into
self-beliefs, self-esteem, self-efficacy, and emotional issues which may
provide deterrents to achievement.
Parenting style has contributing influences from parent education,
perceptual differences, gender, ethnicity, and diversity. The research
on parenting style has focused on comparison of models (Baumrind,
1978; Lamborn et al., 1991; Maccoby & Martin, 1983; Steinberg et al.,
1994) and the quest for an optimum style to suit all parents. This may
have resulted from the realization of common attributes empirically.
The recognition that parenting style has to evolve to meet the challenges of each situation as it surfaces results in a broader conceptualization. Additionally, each situation requires its own unique blend of
style. Parents have to meet their child at the cro***oads and address
circumstances effectively to enhance achievement.
Researchers of parenting style and its relation to academic achievement have to increase methodological considerations for factoring
multidimensional variables in their design. The considerations should
Lola Brown and Shrinidhi Iyengar 33
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include variables for family structure, expectations, communication
and involvement. Additionally variations need to be established
across ethnicities and cognitive abilities. The measures should address
cognitive processes that influence achievement. An additional consideration might be focusing on role models. Do children look at their
parents as effective role models? What is the process that influences
children in selecting their role model? And what strengthens either
parent as a role model?
Local communities have experienced profound demographic and
socioeconomic changes as demonstrated by shifts in the 1990 and
2000 U.S. Census reports (United States Census 2000 Gateway).
The demarcations between various socioeconomic and cultural
groups have shifted resulting in increasing levels of impoverished
families. Parents are required to work multiple jobs with pressures
of seasonal and low wages. They are often required to share cramped
quarters in neighborhoods that provide little safety for their children.
The mental health delivery systems in these communities are overwhelmed by the high risk factors and inability to meet the challenges
of these families. The need for applied research is strong in these communities. Researchers need to examine their agendas to execute best
practice methods to assist these communities. Academic institutions
need to partner with each other and community entities to develop
and implement projects to address parenting styles and its influence
on academic achievement.
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